Exorcisms how many

His critics say that Serra, in converting Native Americans to Catholicism, forced them to abandon their culture or face brutal punishment. Two experts on exorcism -- religious studies professor Andrew Chesnut of Virginia Commonwealth University and the Rev. Pius Pietrzyk of St. Chesnut noted that in Mexico, some high-ranking Catholic clergy performed an exorcism in seeking to expel demons nationwide.

Participants said they were responding to high levels of violence, the practice of abortion and the crimes of the drug cartels. More broadly, Chesnut said exorcism, in its traditional form as a demon-chaser, is increasingly widespread around the world, though there are no official statistics.

He says the driving force behind the surge since the s has been the spread of Pentecostal churches that highlight the conflict between demons and the Holy Spirit, especially in Latin America, Africa and parts of Asia, including the Philippines. Through them we gain a glimpse into the unfolding developments in the structure and form of exorcism as a rite gradually took shape.

In addition to the use of Jesus' name, other elements contributed to the shape of an early ritual such as the Sign of the Cross, exsufflation breathing on the person's face , simple adjurations containing scripture, prayer, and fasting. Exorcisms are divided into two kinds or forms. Simple or minor forms of exorcism are found in two places: first, for those preparing for Baptism, the Rite of Christian Initiation of Adults RCIA and the Rite of Baptism for Children both call for minor exorcisms; secondly, the appendix of Exorcisms and Related Supplications includes a series of prayers which may be used by the faithful.

The second kind is the solemn or "major exorcism," which is a rite that can only be performed by a bishop or a by priest, with the special and express permission of the local ordinary cf. Code of Canon Law, can. This form is directed "at the expulsion of demons or to the liberation [of a person] from demonic possession" Catechism of the Catholic Church , no.

It is advisable that every diocese establish a protocol to respond to inquiries made by the faithful who claim to be demonically afflicted.

As part of the protocol, an assessment should occur to determine the true state of the person. Only after a thorough examination including medical, psychological, and psychiatric testing might the person be referred to the exorcist for a final determination regarding demonic possession. To be clear, the actual determination of whether a member of the faithful is genuinely possessed by the devil is made by the Church, even if individuals claim to be possessed through their own self-diagnosis or psychosis.

Since the rites of exorcism are categorized as sacramentals, effectively as blessings, the practice of who may receive a "major exorcism" is governed by canon of the Code of Canon Law. The following are able to receive this specialized blessing if it is determined necessary: 1 Catholics; 2 Catechumens; 3 Non-Catholic Christians who request it; and 4 Non-Christian believers provided they have the proper disposition—meaning, they are sincere in their desire to be free of demonic influence.

In cases involving a non-Catholic, the matter should be brought to the attention of the Diocesan Bishop cf. ERS, no. The frequency of exorcisms of this sort is determined by the credible need for the rite. That is why establishing a diocesan protocol is important. Through the centuries, the Church has moved cautiously when evaluating alleged cases of demonic possession.

The reason for this is not to deny access to members of the faithful who are in genuine need. However, the Church is equally concerned that individuals not get caught up in a sensationalist mentality and thus create a kind of sideshow affair. Although rare, genuine cases of demonic possession should be addressed in a balanced manner with the utmost care being extended to the afflicted person. While both forms of exorcism are directed against the power of the devil, the Rite of Major Exorcism is employed only when there is a case of genuine demonic possession, namely, when it is determined that the presence of the devil is in the body of the possessed and the devil is able to exercise dominion over that body.

Minor exorcisms are prayers used to break the influence of evil and sin in a person's life, whether as a catechumen preparing for Baptism or as one of the Baptized faithful striving to overcome the influence of evil and sin in his or her life.

The ritual text Exorcisms and Related Supplications is comprised of an introduction, two chapters "The Rite of Major Exorcism" and "Various Texts" , and concludes with two appendices. The second chapter provides a series of additional texts which serve as options in the administration of the rite itself.

The first appendix contains exorcistic prayers to be used at the discretion of the diocesan bishop when a thing or place has become demonically penetrated or the Church herself faces persecution and opposition. This latter series of prayers is not to be confused with the Rite of Major Exorcism itself. Finally, the second appendix provides prayers and supplications for the private use of the faithful. The minister of a minor exorcism is the designated authorized minister of the sacrament RCIA or Baptism for Children or blessing being celebrated.

The spirit was said to be wicked if it: Robbins Fled at the sign of the cross, holy water, the name of Jesus, etc. Said anything against the Catholic Faith. Excited the mind of the possessed to pride, vainglory, despair, etc.

Refused to discuss the possession with a priest. Appeared with a loathsome or dejected appearance, or departed leaving a stench, noise, frightfulness, or injury. Approached mildly, but afterward left behind grief, desolation, disturbance of soul and clouds of the mind. If the exorcist felt confident that the person was truly possessed, the next step was to conduct an exorcism. Therefore, it became imperative that the exorcist determine how the evil spirit entered into the afflicted's body.

There were only two ways in which a person can be possessed: the permission of God for the demon to enter the body or a witch's incantations inducing the demons to take possession.

Even if the exorcist suspected the possession was a witch's doing, he was forbidden to question the name of the suspect, for doing so would be obtaining help from the devil. The Sorbonne in proclaimed that the testimony of demons could never be accepted.

Demons always lied, even under the influence of an exorcism. The correlation with abuse struck me as eerie, given the scandals that have rocked the Church. The second doorway—an interest in the occult—might offer at least a partial explanation. Most of the exorcists I interviewed said they believed that demonic possession was becoming more common—and they cited a resurgence in magic, divination, witchcraft, and attempts to communicate with the dead as a primary cause.

According to Catholic teaching, engaging with the occult involves accessing parts of the spiritual realm that may be inhabited by demonic forces. In recent years, journalists and academics have documented a renewed interest in magic, astrology, and witchcraft, primarily among Millennials. After listening to the priests and poring over news articles, I started to wonder whether the two trends—belief in the occult and the rising demand for Catholic exorcisms —might have the same underlying cause.

So many modern social ills feel dark and menacing and beyond human control: the opioid epidemic, the permanent loss of blue-collar jobs, blighted communities that breed alienation and dread.

Maybe these crises have led people to believe that other, more preternatural, forces are at work. But when I floated this theory with historians of religion, they offered different explanations. But more described how, during periods when the influence of organized religions ebbs, people seek spiritual fulfillment through the occult.

Adam Jortner, an expert on American religious history at Auburn University, agreed. But just after my visit to Tacoma in March, I spoke by phone with Steven, with whom Louisa had recently reconciled, and he told me that she had been suffering for years from daytime episodes, too. The incidents in the middle of the night frightened Louisa more and felt, to her, more supernatural, but Steven found these daytime experiences much harder to explain.

One of these episodes occurred on the Saturday after Thanksgiving in Louisa had followed the instructions of the priest at Saint James Cathedral, throwing out her Ouija board and some healing crystals.

She and Steven had moved back to Washington State with their two children, hoping that proximity to family and friends would do her good. They settled into a routine—Steven worked at a nearby warehouse; Louisa looked after the children—and for a while, Louisa all but forgot the nighttime incidents in Orlando. She came home in the early evening and spent some time upstairs in her bedroom. She eventually returned to the living room and spoke briefly with Steven.

Then she fell silent. When she began talking again, a new persona emerged. Normally an affable, meandering conversationalist, Louisa assumed a slow, measured tone. Recognizing the signs of what was happening, he told me, he grabbed his tablet and began filming. The footage is dark and the sound quality poor.

The camera is pointed directly at Louisa. The video lasts for about 20 minutes. I have all the time in the world. Halfway through the video, Louisa leans toward Steven and freezes, her face just a few inches from his. As I watched, I struggled to make sense of what I was seeing.

All I could settle on, though, was that the camera had captured Louisa in some kind of dissociative state in which her emergent identity believed itself to be inhuman. When Steven first started witnessing these episodes, he assumed they were symptoms of a psychiatric disorder. Louisa certainly had had her share of struggles: In addition to these unexplained incidents, she also suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder and had a history of alcohol abuse. Wynonna Gehrke, who became close friends with Louisa at Washington State University, recalls witnessing something similar.

The emergent identity told them it was a demon that wanted to hurt Louisa. It creeped me out so bad. She gave Louisa her bed that night, and she slept on the couch.

It was Palm Sunday, and parishioners began pouring in long before the start of the Mass. I found a seat in one of the back pews and waited for Louisa. Midway through the service, I felt a hand brush my shoulder.

It was Louisa. A few minutes later I slipped out to join them. Louisa pushed the baby back and forth in a stroller while her eyes strained toward the altar.

In his first session with Louisa, in early , White began by encouraging her to discuss the problems she was experiencing. He then left for a few minutes, returning with the purple stole around his neck that priests wear for both confessions and exorcisms.

At that point the session took on the more structured feel of a Christian ritual. But when he gave Louisa a piece of paper with renunciation prayers to recite, she froze. Struggling to read the words in front of her, she began moaning and then dry-heaving. Moments later, she slipped into guttural babbling.